Map of Yemen protests..

abdul-aziz

Junior Member
:salam2:

click on the red balloons in the Google map, and if there is a video it will how in popup.
the reason you don't see a lot of markings to the eastern part of the country, is because it is mostly desert and only Bedouins travel there.

link
:wasalam:
 

abdul-aziz

Junior Member
Yemeni President Nears Deal to Resign

:salam2:

Yemeni President Nears Deal to Resign
Agreement Being Forged With Opposing General Would Have Both Yield Power to Transition Council Within Days
By MARGARET COKER in Abu Dhabi and HAKIM ALMASMARI in San'a, Yemen


WSJ's Margaret Coker reports Yemen President Ali Abdullah Saleh is close to reaching an agreement under which he and the nation's top general would step down. The News Hub also covers violence flaring in Syria and bombings in Jerusalem.

Yemen's president and the country's top general are hashing out a settlement in which both men would resign within days, people familiar with the situation said, raising crucial questions of who will end up leading a key, though embattled, U.S. counterterrorism ally.

The outlines of a peaceful transition, to a civilian-led transitional government, emerged amid rising tension over the standoff between Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh and pro-democracy protesters backed by Gen. Ali Mohsen al-Ahmar. The general this week broke ranks and declared his support for protesters demanding that the president resign immediately.

Opposing tanks from units loyal to Mr. Saleh and to Gen. Ahmar have faced off in the streets of San'a all week and tens of thousands of antigovernment demonstrators vowed to continue their protest Friday in the capital's Change Square.


Associated Press
A Yemeni army officer was lifted by antigovernment protesters as he joined them in a demonstration in San'a on Thursday.

The U.S. and governments in the region have worried that the weeks-long political crisis in the fractious Arab nation would disrupt counterterrorism operations and allow the al Qaeda affiliate in Yemen to expand.

Mr. Saleh and Gen. Ahmar were intent on preventing bloodshed and preserving stability, the people familiar with the negotiations said. Aides to both men said they understood that Mr. Saleh's continued rule is untenable. But the two men also agreed that his resignation can't happen until the details of a transitional governing council that would take his place have been worked out.

"Both sides have agreed on the main points of departure, and Saturday is expected to be the day that Saleh and Gen. Ahmar both step down," a senior official familiar with the negotiations said.

It couldn't be determined who would lead the transitional council—or who would run counterterrorism operations should Mr. Saleh resign. Most of America's top counterterrorism partners in Yemen are Mr. Saleh's relatives, including his eldest sonand two nephews who head elite units funded and trained by the U.S. The fate of those officials or their security forces in a post-Saleh Yemen was unclear.

Yemen has been a top national security concern for Washington for years, but jumped higher still after 2009 when al Qaeda said it had organized a new affiliate based in Yemen and failed in two bomb attacks against airliners. Yemen also is home to radical cleric Anwar al-Awlaqi, who U.S. officials believe had a role in inspiring the Foot Hood, Texas, shootings.

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Anti-government protesters in Yemen gather to demand President Ali Abdullah Saleh steps down immediately, not by the end of the year as he has offered. Video courtesy of Reuters.

The prospects for the U.S. would be dicey even with an orderly transition of power. With Mr. Saleh's departure, so goes a 10-year counterterrorism relationship.

"If we see leadership changes, we'd be starting from scratch to build relationships. And personal relationships are the key to counter terrorism," said Katherine Zimmerman, a Yemen specialist at the American Enterprise Institute's Critical Threats Project. Yet if a leader with domestic legitimacy emerged who was willing to work with the U.S., "that could be a game changer" because Mr. Saleh's cooperation has been mixed at best over the years, she said.

The U.S. has kept comments on Yemen close to the vest. "We do not build our policy in any country around a single person, and we obviously will look forward to having a solid relationship to the leader of Yemen," White House spokesman Jay Carney told reporters.

On Thursday evening, political negotiations widened from talks between Mr. Saleh and Gen. Ahmar to include meetings between their aides, Yemeni Vice President Abdo Rabu Hadi, U.S. Ambassador to Yemen Gerald Feierstein and the leaders of two opposition parties, the Socialist Party and the Islah Party. The U.S. Embassy didn't respond to requests for comment, and the other participants couldn't be reached.

Though pipelines that ship roughly 55,000 to 75,000 barrels of oil day have been closed following rebel or tribal attacks, oil continued to flow from Yemen. The country accounts for 260,000 barrels a day, well under 1% of world output.

Mr. Saleh has ruled Yemen throughout its modern history, so nationally respected leaders are hard to find. The support for mainstream opposition party leaders is unclear across the rugged and largely conservative country. Meanwhile, tribal leaders who have great social standing would face problems exerting authority over rival tribes.

Mr. Saleh and Gen. Ahmar, who hail from the same tribe, have controlled Yemen for the last 32 years, steering it out of a civil war, the threat of domestic armed insurgents and al Qaeda networks. More recently, the men's relations turned frosty, according to diplomats. Mr. Saleh, 66 years old, sees the general as a rival for power, and the president has sought to sideline the commander while advancing Mr. Saleh's eldest son as a possible successor, according to diplomats.

Earlier this week opposition forces deputized Gen. Ahmar to press their demands with the president, who had flatly refused to step down before next year.

Talks took a significant step forward early Thursday.

The apparent breakthrough came after a marathon round of acrimonious telephone discussions, via aides, that started around 9 p.m. Wednesday between the president at his official residence and the general, who was at his home in downtown San'a, the people said.

They said President Saleh and Gen. Ahmar agreed to the central demand of the protest movement: that a civilian council should rule in place of Mr. Saleh, instead of an Egyptian-style military council.

By the start of the dawn prayer Thursday morning, the men hadn't worked out the structure or the composition of such an authority.

After a brief rest, discussions continued Thursday, after the two sides briefed the U.S. and British ambassadors to Yemen about their progress, according to the people familiar with the negotiations.

—Keith Johnson in Washington contributed to this article.
Write to Margaret Coker at [email protected]

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abdul-aziz

Junior Member
:salam2:

in respose to Abu-Talib: The houthies.

They can't do nothing neither can the socialists.

It turned out the Ali Abdullah, play a very slick game. He would butter one influential sheik over the other. He would behave in such a devious way it would sadden me just to state them.

The people recently caught on to the game, after the protests grew.

Enemies are now together and in agreement more than ever before. Unity is the absolute goal.

The education level of the youth has risen.

People are now approaching la illaha il Allah in all their action. Some things need time to change, but tawheed is increasing in this area of the world. So many, I mean so many, let go of their haram means of living and given it up because they recognize it will lead them to doom.

Allah knows best!

:wasalam:
 

abdul-aziz

Junior Member
:salam2:

In Yemen, onetime foes united in opposing President Saleh

By Sudarsan Raghavan, Friday, March 25, 8:19 PM

SANAA, Yemen — A new sense of national identity is spreading across Yemen’s divided society as rival tribesmen and political foes unite to oust President Ali Abdullah Saleh, who on Friday said he would step aside as long as he could deliver power to “safe hands.”

Tens of thousands of anti-government demonstrators took to the streets Friday to demand Saleh’s ouster. Once-privileged members of Saleh’s Hashid tribe marched side by side with southerners persecuted by his regime. They chanted, “One demand, one Yemen.” The national anthem blared over loudspeakers.

“We are of one heart because we all have the same demand: Ali Abdullah Saleh has to leave,” said Abdulrahman Saeed, 18, a student.

But without question, deep divisions remain. On the other side of town, tens of thousands of Saleh supporters clutched portraits of their president and banners that read “No to chaos. Yes to security and stability.” A faction of the armed forces that still supports Saleh protected them.

Even as Saleh offered to step down, he remained defiant at an open-air rally, accusing his opponents of trying to stage coups while he sought to keep the peace. Saleh has been negotiating his exit with rivals but has fiercely resisted all suggestions of an immediate resignation.

At no other point in Saleh’s 32-year reign have so many from his diverse array of opponents coalesced to try to force him from power. The question now is whether that unity leads to a new era of coexistence that could reshape Yemen, or whether attempts to force Saleh’s hand will further destabilize a country that seems chronically perched on the edge of chaos.

Yemen has been beset for years by existential threats, from a northern rebellion to a southern secessionist movement to a resurgent al-Qaeda branch. Poverty, a lack of water and anemic government services have all intensified resentment toward Saleh.

A week ago, snipers loyal to the government killed 52 protesters near Sanaa University. The bloodshed was a significant turning point in the uprising, prompting a string of high-level defections from Saleh’s fold, including top generals, diplomats and tribal leaders, including those belonging to Yemen’s largest tribe, the Baqeel, and Saleh’s own Hashid tribe.

Since then, pressure has mounted on Saleh to step down. The United States has favored a gradual transition, while demonstrators have said they will accept nothing less than his immediate resignation. Saleh suggested Friday that he would not give in to such demands.

“We, in the leadership, do not want power and do not need it, and we are willing to hand over power to safe hands, not to frivolous, sick, hateful and corrupt hands,” Saleh said, according to Saba, Yemen’s official news agency.

Saleh’s speech echoed remarks made last month by Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak at a time when he was struggling to contain a rebellion in his own country. It was Mubarak’s Feb. 11 ouster that reenergized Yemen’s protesters to push, in ever larger numbers, for Saleh to resign.

Outside Sanaa University on Friday, at the spot that has become the epicenter of the uprising, dubbed Change Square, southerners and northerners chewed the narcotic khat together. Tribes allied with northern Houthi rebels erected tents near Yemeni soldiers loyal to Ali Mohsen al-Ahmar, the top general and key Saleh ally who for years had fought the rebels. He is now aligned with the protesters. In a remarkable shift, southerners on Friday did not call for secession; northerners did not promote their rebellion.

“Once again, Saleh has become the great unifier of all the Yemeni people, this time against himself,” said Abdulghani al-Iryani, a political analyst, referring to Saleh becoming president of a united North and South Yemen in 1990. “I can sense the camaraderie and good feelings among opposite groups, who have identified the regime as their common enemy and are now prepared to coexist with each other peacefully.”

Divide and rule

For years, Saleh dominated through a divide-and-rule strategy, which he described as “dancing on the heads of snakes.” Through a system of patronage, he gave chosen tribal leaders money, weapons, jobs and government positions in exchange for their loyalty. He often played tribes against each other to weaken them. But such tactics also bred envy and resentment among less fortunate tribes.

Saleh’s favoritism also bolstered a system in which Yemenis turned to their tribes for support, ensuring that they were more loyal to individual tribes than their nation.

“Once, he pushed us into conflict with another tribe,” said Abdulrahman Guizeika, whose own tribe had set up a protest tent. “That tribe is also here now. We chewed khat with them the other day.”

A few tents down along Justice Street, Hudaiqi Ayed, a 30-year-old civil engineer, said the government had convinced him that Houthis — Shiite Muslims who practice the Zaidi brand of Islam — were backed by Iran. But after conversations with them, he said, he was convinced otherwise. “They are like us. Yemen is one big family,” said Ayed, who like most Yemenis is a Sunni Muslim.

Nearby, Abdullah al-Nigar, a southerner, said that for years he had favored secession from the north. No longer. “Saleh is the cause of the problems we face in the south. If he resigns, they will vanish,” he said. “We will have no reason to secede.”

Many in Change Square echoed his sentiments, declaring that without Saleh, a new Yemen could be created, ruled by modern laws rather than tribal codes.

The old order

Yet there were also some signs that the old order could remain. When asked whether Ali Mohsen al-Ahmar, the defected general, could one day lead Yemen, Muhsin Naji, a tribesman from the Baqeel, angrily said: “No one from the house of Ahmar can lead us. We reject them all.”

And in Sanaa’s Tahrir Square, where Saleh’s loyalists are camped, many predicted violence if the president stepped down prematurely.

“If the president accepts the opposition’s demands and steps down, the north and south will erupt and there will be civil war. And al-Qaeda will exploit this to demand whatever they want,” said Mohammed Hussein al-Huleisi, a tribal leader from Marib. “Whoever demands change is the enemy of the country.”


[email protected]

© 2011 The Washington Post Company

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