My humble suggestion is that you must also focus various flash points / flash issues on earth that may cause clash of civilizations to occur e.g. Iraq, Iran, Israel-Palestine, Korea, China, Kashmir (India-Pak) etc.
Thanks for the suggestion I had not enough time to do all the other but following is an attempt at one flash point:
Race and Culture
Some have also used ‘flash points’ such as the Jyllands-Posten Muhammad cartoons controversy to explain how differences in culture cause violence. Pointing to protests across the Muslim world, some of which escalated into violence, including setting fire to the Norwegian and Danish Embassies in Syria, the storming European buildings, the desecration of the Danish and German flags in Gaza City and the issuing of death threats by some radical Muslims leaders across the globe, they attribute conflict to the lack of respect Muslims are supposed to have for ‘western’ values such as freedom of speech. After publication of the cartoons, Danish Muslim organizations, indeed objected to the depictions, arguing that they are blasphemous to people of the Muslim faith, intended to humiliate a Danish minority, or a manifestation of ignorance about the history of western imperialism, from colonialism to the current conflicts in the Middle East. Danish Muslim groups responded thus initially by holding public protests attempting to raise awareness of Jyllands-Posten's publication. However the objection to public depiction of information, experienced to be blasphemous or humiliating is not uncommon in ‘western’ societies. Indeed some western European countries have themselves introduced legislation to limit free speech in order to protect parts of their populations from the public depiction of blasphemous or humiliating information. Because objections to blasphemous or humiliating uses of free speech are not unique for Muslims it would be inaccurate to deem these objections as markers of violence between Islamic and Western cultures.
These objections are therefore, on their own, not the result of differences in culture. Some might point to the violence that erupted on a later stage of the controversy
but the application of violence in similar states of a conflict is also not uncommon in other cultures. Indeed the many violent riots after certain European soccer events suggest that the sociological reasons for violent conflict must be found at a different source than differences in culture. Like sociological approaches to the problem of British Hooliganism have suggested; violent behavior originates often from forms of social stratification. Young’s review of William, Dunning and Murphy investigation of British Hooliganism suggests:
British hooligans are often
white male working class adolescents for who
fighting is one of the few sources of excitement,
status and meaning. They support their thesis by a lengthy sequence of illustrations of British Hooligans taking their socio-economic frustrations on fans from ‘foreign teams’ (Young, 1986)
Although individual hooligans have different individual motivations commentators generally agree the social class has been a significant factor in Englands Hooliganism. However, social class seems no variable on its own. Instead William, Dunning and Murphy combine stratification with the suggestion that fighting or violence becomes one of the few sources of status and meaning. When other forms of achieving status and meaning are limited (often by enduring political or socio-economic constraints) violence becomes a viable option. Even if the actual triggers to the violence are diverse or as trivial as the outcome of a soccer match.
An analysis needs there fore be focussed not on the trigger only but the way social tensions are building up and relating to societal problems especially concerning topics like stratification, gender, and interpersonal relationships and the performance of the justice system. To understand the Jyllands-Posten cartoons controversy we must therefore pay an attention to the Danish society prior and at the time of the incidents.
Guardian correspondent Kiku Day suggests that social stratification based on racism, xenophobia and material inequality characterises the relationship between Muslims and the Danes (Day, 2006). Withstanding the fact that households with a Muslim background compose the largest share of non-Western minorities in Denmark; Muslims have much higher unemployment rates, particularly those from non-European countries. For example, in 2000 the unemployment rate for people with origins in Somalia, Iraq and Morocco stood above 65%, as compared to about 18% for native Danes, 7% for the EU immigrants and 5% of the general EU working-age population. However, these extreme socio-economic discrepancies do not stand alone. Inequality between non EU Muslims and the Danes is guaranteed to remain stable by the government’s tolerance of- and involvement in- manifestations of Islamophobia. As illustrated by a research paper, commissioned by the EU Monitoring and Advocacy Program (EUMAP) the
stability in inequality is even shaping expectations of and choices of young people regarding their education and ambitions.
‘Research indicates that, even in their school years, young people from ethnic minorities have such low expectations for gainful employment that this impacts on their ambitions for further education. Of those who do reach universities, the vast majority study subjects such as the natural sciences, IT, engineering and managerial sciences, but very few turn to social sciences or the professional fields that confine job opportunities primarily to the Danish labour market, such as law, sociology and national economics.
And even for those with qualifications, there is evidence that ethnic minorities of non-Western origin do not benefit fully from their education and skills, whether obtained in Denmark or in any other country’ (Hussain, 2007).
Because racism and xenophobia are so common; young Muslims do not expect that their efforts to improve their socio-economic status through education will benefit them fully. This suggests that racism and xenophobia are not only expressed through interpersonal interactions by a few members of the populous. As suggested by a report from the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights the expression of racism and xenophobia has extended to the ranks of some members of the government and can be illustrated by the governments handling of the Jyllands-Posten cartoons controversy:
The cartoons were published on the 30th of September, 2005. Having received petitions from Danish imams, eleven ambassadors from Muslim-majority countries asked for a meeting with Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen on 12 October 2005, in order to discuss what they perceived as an ‘on-going smearing campaign in Danish public circles and media against Islam and Muslims’. In a letter, the ambassadors mentioned not only the issue of the Muhammad cartoons, but also a recent indictment against Radio Holger, and statements by MP Louise Frevert and the Minister of Culture, Brian Mikkelsen. The government answered the ambassadors' request for a meeting on 21st of October with a letter refusing the requested meeting.
UN special reporter Doudou notes:
The initial reaction of the Danish Government - its refusal to adopt an official stance on the content and the publication of the cartoons out of respect for freedom of expression, and its refusal to receive the ambassadors of Muslim countries - revealed not just the trivialization of Islamophobia at the political level but also, as events subsequently demonstrated, the central involvement of politicians in the national and international impact of manifestations and expressions of Islamophobia.
Politically and from the standpoint of the morality of international relations, the Danish Government, against the backdrop of an alarming resurgence of defamation of religions, especially Islamophobia but also anti-Semitism and Christianophobia, failed to show the commitment and vigilance that it normally displays in combating religious intolerance and incitement to religious hatred and promoting religious harmony (Doudou, 2006).
The UNHCR report suggests that the cartoon affaire illustrates that intolerance towards certain religions and incitement to religious hatred is propagated even amongst children:
In terms of timing, intent and targeted audience, the publication of these cartoons shows how much the defamation of religions has become trivialized. The fact that children were the intended readership of the biography indicates a desire to shape the attitude to religion of a particularly sensitive and vulnerable age group (Doudou, 2006).
After the refusal for meeting the ambassadors, a number of Muslim organizations filed a complaint with the Danish police on October 27, 2005 claiming that Jyllands-Posten had committed an offence under section 140 and 266b of the Danish Criminal Code. On 6 January 2006, the Regional Public Prosecutor in Viborg discontinued the investigation as he found no basis for concluding that the cartoons constituted a criminal offence. To determine the cause for the eruption of violence is might be useful look ate the timing of the violence. It is worth noting that in 2005, directly after the publication, the Muhammad cartoons controversy received only minor media attention outside of Denmark. In fact, six of the cartoons were first reprinted by the Egyptian newspaper El Fagr on October 17, 2005, along with an article strongly denouncing them, but the publication did not provoke any condemnations or other reactions from religious or government authorities. However between October 2005 and the end of January 2006, examples of the cartoons were reprinted in major European newspapers from the Netherlands, Germany, Scandinavia, Belgium and France. Very soon after, protests grew, but only to lead to further re-publications around the globe, but primarily in continental Europe. Notable for a lack of republication of the cartoons were most major newspapers in the USA and the United Kingdom, where editorials covered the story without including the depictions.
One could argue that the violent protests erupting after the discontinuation of the investigation were not the result of the publication of the cartoons but of a combination of socio-economic factors, and political failure leading to an exceptional build up of tension. As the Public Prosecutor discontinued the investigation, the cartoons publishers were not tried in a court of Justice. As the government refused to even engage in discussion with the ambassadors one can suggests that
it became even more obvious for Muslims worldwide that due to the wide spread and institutional xenophobia and racism, Muslims were unable to rely on the conventional political and judicial system to find a remedy for their grievances. In large parts of not only Denmark but also other countries in the EU, Muslims report indeed to be reduced to a ‘pariah existence’ and often incapable to influence their own or their community’s social status in conventional, peaceful manners. Kiku Day concludes:
‘Denmark has at last managed to catch the world's eye, after so many years of failing to get credit for being at the cutting edge of liberalism. But the inelegant handling of the controversy over the cartoons of the prophet Muhammad is the result of a country that has been moving in the direction of xenophobia and racism - especially towards its Muslim inhabitants. The world needs to realise that the Denmark that helped Jews flee from Nazi deportation is long gone. A new Denmark has appeared, a Denmark of intolerance and a deep-seated belief in its cultural superiority’ (Kiku Day, 2006)
The publication of the cartoons of the Prophet Muhammad in the Danish newspaper Jyllands-Posten and the following social unrest are therefore not a manifestation of conflict resulting from differences in culture but as the UNHCR commends ‘the most serious manifestation of the deteriorating [socio - economic] situation of Arab and Muslim populations generally and Islamophobia in particular’.
When bureaucracies enforce integration and assimilation but at the same time fail to confront discrimination, inequality and intolerance, some of society’s members will experience feelings of alienation and exclusion. One can suggest that discrimination not only adds to the maintaining of socio-economical inequalities between the Danish nationals and non-nationals; it aids to the belief in the stability of unequal group positions and turns groups inward. Maykel Verkuyten suggested that these
stable socio-economic hierarchies reduce contact and therefore may create an attitude of resentment or ‘latent hatred’ against the system (Verkuyten 2006; Simmel, 1997); an attitude in which the mobilizing message of violent radicalism resonates.
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