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21 October 2011 Last updated at 16:52 GMT Share this pageEmail Print Share this page

61ShareFacebookTwitter.Tunisia election: Loving and loathing IslamistsBy Celeste Hicks

BBC News, Tunis


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Tunisian rebirthAlready winners?
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Q&A: Tunisia elections
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Far from the smart cafes and bars in downtown Tunis, the capital of Tunisia, a family of 26 is living under carpets and tarpaulins next to a roaring motorway.

Following the "Arab Spring", it is now a crisp autumn day in the suburb of Siciliana and 26-year-old Neila Herela walks me towards her family's small fire burning on the open street.

"I'm not going to vote in these elections," she says tearfully, as a small child drags a huge water carrier across the street. "Look at my family, living on the street - on the pavement."

Ms Herela's grandmother wants to show me a wound on her leg - she had an operation to remove a growth but the family can't afford the surgery to heal the hole left behind.

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It's hard for people who've had no experience of democracy to follow this process”
End Quote
Syrene Mohammed

Tunisian journalist
"I have a diploma in publicity and marketing," she says, clutching a certificate in Arabic. "But I can't find a job. Can you imagine - I don't even have an address to give to a potential employer."

I met Ms Herela as I followed candidates from the Tunisia for Tomorrow (TfT) party on the campaign trail - the first time she could remember any politicians coming.

The story of young people like Ms Herela and their struggle to find work has been called the spark that set off January's Jasmine revolution.

Mohammed Bouazizi - a young street vendor from the central town of Sidi Bouzid - set himself on fire in December, allegedly after repeated harassment by the Tunisian authorities.

He never regained consciousness to see what followed and died on 4 January.

Sipping lattes

The symbols of the revolution are everywhere on the smart boulevard Avenue Bourguiba in central Tunis, where old-fashioned trams rattle along streets lined with lamps which are replicas of those on Paris's Champs-Elysees.


A film about religion and identity triggered clashes in post-revolution Tunisia
In one bookshop, a red souvenir book screams Degage at passers-by - a French phrase which means Clear Off.

It became a rallying cry for everyone who wanted former President Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali to leave.

There is also a comic-strip book and another on the bloggers who did so much to bring down the president by organising protests using social media.

But the revolution has not brought work - in fact the Tunisian Workers' Communist Party (PCOT) claims that unemployment has actually gone up since January.

Sunday's vote for a constitutional assembly will not bring quick results - the body will have a year to write a constitution, and only then will presidential elections take place.

Still, the remarkable thing is that most of the young people I have spoken to seem patient and willing to see the process through.

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Tunisia poll at a glance
First election since Arab Spring
More than 100 parties contesting poll
Voters electing 217-member Constituent Assembly (CA) to write constitution and choose prime minister
CA expected to have highest female representation in Arab world
Election organised under proportional representation system
3.8m registered voters
Non-registered voters with ID cards entitled to vote
Tunisians in some foreign countries given the vote
Islamist Ennahda party expected to get most votes
If anything, the biggest problem is confusion about how the voting system works.

"It's hard for people who've had no experience of democracy to follow this process," says Syrene Mohammed, a young radio journalist.

"In some cases, people will go to vote and there will be nearly 100 names on the list."

We are sitting in one of Tunis's plushest restaurants - Le Golfe in the upmarket suburb of La Marsa.

The restaurant looks out over the Mediterranean Sea crashing against the shore, as heavy autumnal rain lashes against the window-pane obscuring the view of a lone fisherman on the beach.

We are sipping lattes. This is a Muslim country but wine is also on sale here.

Ms Mohammed does not wear a veil. This scene could be a snapshot of the big questions facing Tunisia.

Split loyalty

The moderate Islamist Ennahda party, banned during Mr Ben Ali's rule, looks sure to win the biggest share of votes in the election.

Its main challengers are the Progressive Democratic Party (PDP), a well-established secular party, and The Democratic Forum for Labour and Liberties (DFLL) party, which is standing on a social democratic platform.


Many Tunisians complain of widespread poverty Ms Mohammed tells me Ennahda was repressed under the strictly secular regime of Mr Ben Ali - but this gave it more political experience and profile than most other parties.

Tunisia still has to chart a path for its new constitution between looking out across the sea to Europe, or turning towards its Arab Muslim neighbours.

Demonstrations which turned violent last week after a TV station showed the film Persepolis, depicting a young Iranian girl's struggle with her faith and identity, reflect that tension.

Ms Mohammed herself was recently involved in the screening of a film which pokes fun at religion and she worries that some groups may react negatively.

"We have to challenge ourselves and debate these issues, but it's clear some people don't want that," she says.

When I ask young people in the street what they think of Ennahda, it is either love them or hate them.

The party has been at pains to insist it does not want a constitution based on Sharia law and that it will uphold women's rights.

These elections are only the first step in setting up a robust new system. And if Ennahda does well, then that is democracy - something Tunisia is still learning how to deal with.
 

sclavus

Junior Member
The party has been at pains to insist it does not want a constitution based on Sharia law and that it will uphold women's rights.

These elections are only the first step in setting up a robust new system. And if Ennahda does well, then that is democracy - something Tunisia is still learning how to deal with.

Where are the "Arab Springers", ha? Where are the defenders of Islam and Sharia? The people who were upset with Ben Ali because he didn't let them pray, didn't let them grow beards, ha? Where the hell are they for God's sake?! They're just a bunch of lying crooks, it was just about power. That's it.

What's the difference between that party and the party of Ben Ali? Tunisia made a vicious circle it seems! Democracy once again...A revolution for Sharia! What a bunch of garbage!



Assalaamo alaykom.
 

Perseveranze

Junior Member
It's fasade. They used Islamic sayings/slogans to get people motivated in rising up, only to continue in their kufr ways.

The Tunisian elections have courted much interest, with the elections viewed as another piece in the Arab Spring. The elections have received much praise because of the 90 per cent voter turnout and the transparent manner in which the elections were conducted.

The official results are expected soon, but it is predicted that the Islamic party ‘Hizb el Nahda’ (The revival party) has won the largest share, estimated to be around 30-40 per cent of the seats, with the rest scattered amongst the secular opposition.

Despite the media gloss concerning the elections, a number of issues have been overlooked that puts a dark cloud over the elections and the short term future in Tunisia.

The much touted 90 per cent voter turnout, seems to be somewhat misleading, with no consideration given to the percentage of the population that did not participate in the elections. Tunisia has a population of 7.2 million, and of that 4.1 million registered to vote, which is approximately 57 per cent of the electoral register.

Of the 4.1 million registered voters, 90 per cent participated in the election day meaning that at least 51 per cent of the population are as of yet confirmed to have actually participated in the elections.

Prior to the elections, Tunisian political blogs were extremely active, with many of the youth who participated in the removal of Ben ali, being extremely pessimistic over the elections, given that many former members of the Constitutional Democratic Rally (CDR) had formed new parties and joined existing parties to participate in the elections.

This scenario is no doubt dishonest to the revolution as former cronies that oppressed and robbed the people are re-entering the political system from the back door, as no restrictions were put on their participation by the interim government.

The interim government has defended this criticism on the basis of democracy, claiming that they have given the people the right to keep the cronies out of the political system through the ballot, though this appears quite laughable given that at the same time the interim government put restrictions on the participation of Islamic parties. Only those Islamic parties that vowed to uphold the secular flag were allowed to participate in the elections, with the interim government using a law introduced by the dictator Ben ali to keep out the Islamic opposition that would ditch the secular flag and carry a more comprehensive Islamic programme to the Tunisian society.

It is apparent that the interim government has been far from neutral and more accurately it could be characterised a secular gatekeeper, with it working to maintain the secular character of the Tunisian system rather than trying to meet the aspiration of the people which is an overhaul of the ageing political system.

This objective has not materialised, with many bloggers calling for a second revolution, the first one directed towards removing Ben ali and the second proposed one geared towards the overthrow of the political system.

It is quite disappointing that the Hizb el Nahda has accepted all the discrepancies in the elections and welcomed the idea of a coalition government with the secular opposition, despite the fact the secular opposition is composed of many from the previous regime.

The problem with Hizb el Nahda is that it perceives the entering of parliament, and the formation of a government as being an indication of success, and appears content on working within the remits of the secular political system.

This naivety has characterised many of the Islamic opposition, with co-optation and compromise leading to a shedding of whatever Islamic character that might exist. This is clearly seen in the case of Morocco, were the Islamic opposition has comfortably existed in the political system for years, leading to its further secularisation rather than its injection of Islam into the political system.


Hizb el Nahda is just another party in the list of Islamic parties that continue to be one dimensional and their fate will be the same as others as history and reality indicate.

http://www.newcivilisation.com/home/middle-east/tunisia-elections-upholding-secularism
 
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